Boek 12, 31-40

31 It was a troubled state of affairs that the Governor, Publius Ostorius, found in Britain, since the enemy had poured into allied territory with a violence that was all the greater because they thought a new com­mander would not take the field against them with an army that was unfamiliar to him and with winter already begun. Ostorius, on the other hand, aware that from first results spring fear or confidence, hurried forward his light cohorts, cut down those who resisted, and pursued those put to flight. Then, to prevent them from regrouping and to avoid an uneasy and untrustworthy peace giving no rest to either commander or army, he prepared to disarm suspect tribes and to hold in check the whole area between the rivers Trisantona [Trent] and Sabrina [Severn]. The first to rebel against this measure were the Iceni, a powerful nation and not yet broken in battle, since they had willingly agreed to an alliance with us. At their instigation the tribes round about chose as their field of battle a site enclosed by an earth rampart and with a narrow entrance to prevent the entry of cavalry. This defensive position the Roman commander prepared to break through, even though he was leading an auxiliary force unsupported by the strength of the legions. After positioning his cohorts he equipped even the cavalry squadrons for infantry action. Then at the given signal they broke through the rampart and threw the enemy into confusion, hampered as they were by their own defences. The Britons for their part, aware of having broken the peace and with their escape routes blocked, performed many remarkable bold deeds. In that battle the Legate’s son, Marcus Ostorius, earned the distinction of saving a citizen’s life.

32 However, the defeat of the Iceni quietened those who were hesitating between peace and war, and the army was led against the Decangi [Deceangli]. Their territory was devastated, and booty seized far and wide, while the enemy dared not risk an open engagement and, if they attempted to harass the Roman column by stealth, their treachery was punished. At this point the army was not far from the sea which looks across to Ireland, but trouble among the Brigantes caused the Roman commander to turn back, resolved as he was not to undertake new ventures unless earlier gains were fully secured. The Brigantes for their part settled down again once those who had taken up arms were killed and the rest pardoned. However, neither harsh treatment nor mercy made any difference to the tribe of the Silures. Instead, they carried on the war, and had to be held in check by a legionary fortress. To achieve this end more easily a colony with a strong corps of veterans was established on captured land at Camulodunum [Colchester], as a bulwark against revolt and to familiarise the (native) allies with their legal duties.

33 Then an advance was made against the Silures. Their innate ferocity was heightened by the trust they placed in Caratacus, whose many engagements, some partially successful, others completely so, had raised his reputation to the point that he was without rival among British leaders. Then, however, though inferior in military strength, his superiority in cunning and the deceptive difficulty of the terrain allowed him to transfer the theatre of war to the Ordovices, and with his ranks swollen by those who feared the Roman peace, he attempted a final stand. He chose a site for the battle where the approaches, exits, and everything else were to our disadvantage and to his advantage. On one side were steep hills; where the gradient was easier he piled up rocks into a kind of rampart; in front flowed a river with a precarious crossing, and bands of warriors were stationed along the defences.

34 Besides this the tribal chiefs went round encouraging the men and raising their spirits by reducing their fears, kindling their hopes, and variously inciting them to battle. As for Caratacus, he hastened to one position after another, declaring that day, that battle would be the beginning of their restored liberty or perpetual enslavement. He invoked the names of their ancestors who had repulsed the dictator Caesar: by their valour they were free from Roman domination and taxes, and preserved the bodies of their wives and children from defile­ment. These and other exhortations of his the crowds applauded, and each man swore by the gods of his tribe that he would give way to neither weapons nor wounds.

35 This enthusiasm astounded the Roman general, daunted as he already was by the obstacle of the river, the addition of the rampart, the overhanging ridges, and the fact that everything was productive of alarm and bristling with defenders. The troops on the other hand clamoured for battle, insisting that against courage nothing was im­pregnable, while the Prefects and Tribunes, expressing similar views, further intensified the army’s impatience. Then, having reconnoitred those points that could and could not be breached, Ostorius crossed the river without difficulty at the head of his eager troops. When the rampart was reached, our side sustained the greater proportion of wounded and killed so long as the conflict was confined to the ex­change of missiles, but once a formation of locked shields had been made and the crude and chaotic pile of stones demolished, the fighting was on equal terms at close quarters, and the natives withdrew to the hilltops. Yet here too our light and heavy-armed troops rushed upon them, the former attacking them with javelins, the latter in close formation. The ranks of the Britons on the other hand, without the protection of either breastplates or helmets, were thrown into disorder, and if they stood their ground against the auxiliary troops, they were laid low by the swords and javelins of the legionaries, while if they turned to face these, they were cut down by the broadswords and spears of the auxiliaries. It was a glorious victory: Caratacus’ wife and daughter were captured and his brothers surrendered.

36 Caratacus himself sought the protection of Cartimandua, Queen of the Brigantes, but since generally there is no security in misfortune, he was arrested and handed over to the victorious Romans in the ninth year after the war in Britain had begun [AD 51]. His fame had reached beyond the islands and had spread through the adjoining provinces; in Italy too it was on people’s lips, and folk longed to see who it was had defied our power for so many years. Even in Rome the name of Caratacus was well known, and in seeking to enlarge his own reputation Caesar conferred glory on the conquered man. The people were summoned as if to a great spectacle: the Praetorian Cohorts were drawn up under arms on the parade ground in front of their camp. Then as the king’s vassals filed past, the ornamental bosses, torques, and spoils won in his foreign wars were paraded. Next his brothers, wife and daughter were displayed, and finally Caratacus himself. The others out of fear indulged in undignified pleading, but from Caratacus there was no downcast look, no appeal for mercy. When he stood before the tribunal, this is how he spoke:

37 “If I had been as moderate in success as my noble birth and rank are great, I should have entered this city as a friend rather than as a captive, nor would you have scorned to admit to a peaceful alliance one sprung from famous ancestors and the ruler of many peoples. My present lot is as much a source of glory to you as it is degrading to myself. I had horses, men, arms, wealth; what wonder then if I regret their loss. If you wish to rule the world, does it follow that everyone welcomes servitude? If I were being dragged before you as one who had surrendered at the outset, neither my own downfall nor your glory would have become famous: oblivion would have been the consequence of my punishment. If on the other hand you spare my life, I shall always be a memorial to your clemency.” In response to this Caesar pardoned Caratacus and his wife and brothers. Released from their chains they also gave to Agrippina, conspicuously seated as she was on another dais nearby, the same homage in terms of praise and thanks as they did the Emperor. That a woman should sit in authority before the Roman standards was clearly a novel event and one without precedent in ancient customs, but Agrippina herself was asserting her partnership in an empire won by her ancestors.

38 The Senate met later and there were many high-flown speeches on the capture of Caratacus to the effect that it was no less brilliant than the displaying before the Roman people of Syphax by Publius Scipio or of Perses by Lucius Paulus or of other kings exhibited in chains by other Romans. Ostorius was voted triumphal insignia, but his fortunes, which had hitherto been marked by success, soon became less certain. Either the removal of Caratacus from the scene led to a reduction in the vigour of our military operations as though the war were over, or the enemy’s feeling of pity for so great a king kindled within them greater passion for revenge. A Camp-Prefect and legionary cohorts left behind to construct forts in Siluran territory were surrounded, and if assistance had not reached the beleaguered troops as a result of reports from nearby positions, they would have been massacred. As it was the Prefect, eight centurions and the best of the rank and file were killed. Shortly afterwards a Roman foraging party was overwhelmed together with the cavalry squadrons sent to their assistance.

39 Ostorius then brought up his light-armed cohorts, but even so he did not check the reverse until the legions intervened. Their strength made the fight equal, and then gave our side the advantage, but since the day was drawing to a close, the enemy escaped with few losses. After this there were frequent clashes, more often than not in the form of skirmishes in woods and marshes, occasioned by individual chance or gallantry, some by accident, others by design, some out of hatred, others for plunder, sometimes under orders, at other times without the knowledge of commanders. The Silures were a particularly intractable problem, infuriated as they were by a reported speech of the Roman commander that the Siluran tribe should be totally eradicated, just as the Sugambri had once been exterminated, or transported to the provinces of Gaul. So it was that two auxiliary cohorts were cut off through their Prefects’ greed as they engaged in pillaging without sufficient precautions, and by gifts of booty and captives the Silures began to entice other tribes also to rebellion. At this point Ostorius died, worn out by the unremitting burden of his responsibilities. The enemy for their part were delighted that a general of undoubted merit had been disposed of by the war as a whole, if not by defeat in battle.

40 On receiving the news of the Legate’s death Caesar appointed Aulus Didius in his place to avoid leaving the province without a governor. Despite a rapid crossing he found the situation had deteriorated; for in the meantime the legion under the command of Manlius Valens had suffered a reverse. Reports of the affair were exaggerated both among the enemy, so as to frighten the general on his arrival, and by Didius too when he heard them, so that his fame might be the greater if he settled matters, and his excuse the more justifiable if they persisted. Once again this defeat had been caused by the Silures, and they roamed the countryside far and wide until driven back by the approach of Didius. However, since the capture of Caratacus the most distinguished Briton in terms of military skill was Venutius from the tribe of the Brigantes, as mentioned above. He had long been loyal and under Roman protection while he remained married to Queen Cartimandua, but when presently there came a divorce followed immediately by war, he had engaged in hostilities against us as well. At first, however, they merely fought among themselves, and by cunning stratagems Cartimandua waylaid Venutius’ brother and other relatives. Incensed at this and stung with shame at the prospect of being subject to a woman’s rule, the enemy invaded her kingdom with a powerful and chosen band of armed men. We had foreseen this and cohorts sent to her assistance fought a sharp engagement which, after a shaky beginning, ended up more in our favour. An engagement with a similar outcome was fought by the legion commanded by Caesius Nasica; for Didius, burdened with age and with a superabundance of honours, was content to act through his subordinates and to keep the enemy at arm’s length. Though these operations were carried out by two governors over a number of years, I have linked them together lest piecemeal treatment cause them to be less easily remembered.

Boek 14, 29-39

29 In the consulship of Caesennius Paetus and Petronius Turpilianus a severe reverse was suffered in Britain. There, as I have mentioned, the Governor Aulus Didius had merely held on to what was already gained, while his successor, Veranius, after some minor plundering raids against the Silures, was prevented by his death from taking operations any further. During his life he had had a considerable reputation for self-discipline, though in the closing words of his will he displayed his vanity. For in addition to much flattery of Nero he claimed that if he had lived another two years, he would have laid the (whole) province at his feet. At that time, however, Paulinus Suetonius was in charge of Britain. In military science and people’s talk, which allows no one to be without envy, he rivalled Corbulo, and was anxious to equal the glorious recovery of Armenia by subduing enemies of the state. For this reason he prepared to attack the island of Mona [Anglesey] which had a large population and provided shelter for fugitives. Flat-bottomed boats were constructed to contend with the shallow water and shifting bottom, and in this way the infantry made the crossing. Then followed the cavalry, making use of fords or swimming beside their horses where the water was deeper.

30 Along the shore stood the enemy in a close-packed array of armed men interspersed with women dressed like Furies in funereal black, with streaming hair and brandishing torches. Round about were the Druids, their hands raised to heaven, pouring out dire curses. The Roman troops were so struck with dismay at this weird sight that they became rooted to the spot as though their limbs were paralysed and laid themselves open to wounds. Then, bolstered by the encouragements of their commander and urging one another not to be afraid of this mass of fanatical women, they advanced with their standards, cut down all they met, and enveloped them in the flames of their own torches. After this a garrison was imposed on the conquered natives, and the groves devoted to their savage rites cut down; for it was part of their religion to drench their altars with the blood of captives and to consult their gods by means of human entrails. While Suetonius was occupied with this, he received reports of the sudden revolt of the province.

31 Prasutagus, King of the Iceni and famed for his long-lasting prosperity, had made Caesar his heir together with his two daughters, thinking that by such deference his kingdom and family would be kept from harm. However, things turned out differently, so much so that his kingdom was plundered by centurions, and his household by Roman slaves, as if they were the spoils of war. To begin with his wife Boudicca was flogged and her daughters raped. The nobility of the Iceni were deprived of their hereditary estates as if the Romans had received the whole area as a gift, and the King’s relatives were treated like slaves. As a result of this outrage and fear of worse to come, since they had been reduced to provincial status, the Iceni took up arms. The Trinovantes too were roused to rebellion along with others who were not yet broken by slavery and who had determined by secret conspiracy to recover their freedom. Their bitterest hatred was directed against the veteran soldiers recently settled in the colony of Camulodunum [Colchester], who were driving the natives from their homes, forcing them off their land, and calling them prisoners and slaves. The veterans’ lawless activities were even encouraged by the troops, who had a similar way of behaving and hoped for the same licence in their turn. In this respect the temple dedicated to the deified Claudius was looked upon as a stronghold of eternal tyranny, and those chosen as priests were pouring out whole fortunes on the pretext of religion. Nor did it seem a difficult task to destroy a colony that was unprotected by any fortifications, something to which our commanders, putting comfort before necessity, had paid too little attention.

32 In the meantime the statue of Victory at Camulodunum fell down for no apparent reason, and with its back turned as if it were fleeing the enemy. In addition, frenzied women prophesied that destruction was at hand, that a clamour of foreign voices had been heard in their Senate House, the theatre had resounded with wailing, and in the Thames estuary an apparition of the colony in ruins had been seen. What is more, the sea took on a bloody appearance, and shapes like human corpses left by the receding tide were interpreted as signs of hope by the Britons and with alarm by the veterans. However, as Suetonius was far away, they appealed to the Procurator, Catus Decianus, for help, but he sent barely 200 men without their full equipment. There was also a small band of regular troops there. Relying on the protection of the temple and hampered by clandestine accomplices in the rebellion who thwarted their plans, the veterans constructed neither defensive ditch nor rampart, nor were the old men and women moved away leaving only the fighting men behind. Heedless of precaution, as though all around was peace and quiet, they found themselves surrounded by the hordes of barbarians, and when all else had been laid waste and burned at the (first) onset, the temple, in which the garrison had concentrated, was taken by storm after a two-day siege. The victorious Britons also intercepted Petilius Cerialis, the Legate of the IX Legion, as he was advancing to the rescue, routed the legion, and slaughtered its infantry contingent. Cerialis escaped with his cavalry to their camp and found shelter behind its defences. Alarmed by this disaster and the hatred of a pro­vince his greed had driven into war, the Procurator Catus crossed to Gaul.

33 For his part Suetonius made his way undaunted through the midst of the enemy to London, a town which, while not distinguished by the title of colony, was a very important and busy centre for traders and goods. There he was in two minds whether to choose it as the place for making a stand, but considering the small number of his troops and that Petilius’ rashness had been taught quite a severe lesson, he decided to sacrifice a single town in order to save the whole province. Neither the tears nor lamentations of those who begged his help could deflect him from giving the signal to pull out and allowing into his column (only) those who could keep up with him. Those who stayed behind because their sex meant they were unfit for war, or who were burdened with age or were attached to the place, were overwhelmed by the enemy. The same disaster befell the municipium of Verulamium [St Albans] since the natives, with their relish for plunder and wish to avoid hard work, steered clear of the forts and military garrisons and made for places rich in spoil but unprotected by any defending force. It is reckoned that up to 70,000 citizens and provincials fell in the places I have mentioned; for the enemy did not take or sell prisoners, nor was there any other traffic of war. Instead they rushed to slaughter, hang, burn, and crucify, as though (they knew) they were destined to pay the penalty, yet were meanwhile snatching their revenge.

34 By now Suetonius had the XIV Legion together with detachments from the XX and auxiliaries from the nearest stations, in all about 10,000 armed men, and at this point he resolved to abandon delay and fight. He chose a site with a narrow approach and backed by a wood, having made sure that he would only have the enemy in front and that the plain of battle was open and presented no danger of an ambush. The legionaries were stationed in close order, with the light armed troops on the flanks and the cavalry massed on the (outer) wings. The forces of the Britons on the other hand pranced about far and wide in bands of infantry and cavalry, their numbers without precedent and so confident that they brought their wives with them and set them in carts drawn up around the far edge of the battlefield to witness their victory.

35 Boudicca rode in a chariot with her daughters before her, and as she approached each tribe, she declared that the Britons were accustomed to engage in warfare under the leadership of women. On that occasion, however, she was not someone descended from great ancestors avenging her kingdom and her wealth, rather she was an ordinary woman avenging the freedom she had lost, her body worn out with flogging, and the violated chastity of her daughters. Roman lust had gone so far that it left nothing undefiled, not even the bodies of the old or those of young girls. Yet the gods were on the side of just revenge: a legion that had ventured battle had been destroyed; the rest were skulking in their camps or looking for a chance of escape. They would not withstand even the din and clamour of so many warriors, still less their onslaught and blows. If the Britons considered the number of their men under arms and the reasons they were fighting, they must conquer on that field of battle or die. That was her resolve as a woman; as for the men they could live on and be slaves (if they so wished).

36 Nor was Suetonius silent at this critical moment. Despite the confidence he had in his men’s valour, his words of encouragement nevertheless contained an element of appeal: that they disregard the clamour and empty threats of the natives. There were more women visible in their ranks than fighting men, and they, unwarlike and poorly armed, routed on so many occasions, would immediately give way when they recognised the steel and courage of those who had always conquered them. Even when many legions were involved, it was a few men who actually decided battles. It would redound to their honour that their small numbers won the glory of a whole army. Only let them keep their close order, and once they had discharged their javelins, carry on felling and slaughtering the enemy with their shield bosses and swords, without any thought for booty. Once victory was won all else would be theirs. Such was the enthusiasm that greeted the commander’s words, and so ready and eager were the seasoned troops, with their great experience of battle, to hurl their javelins, that Suetonius gave the signal for battle, certain of the outcome.

37 At first the legion did not move from its position and kept the narrow confines of the defile as its protection. Then, as the enemy came closer, they loosed off all their javelins against them with deadly accuracy and burst forward in a wedge-shaped formation. The auxiliaries attacked in the same manner, while the cavalry, with lances extended, broke through any stout resistance they encountered. The remaining Britons turned tail, but their escape was difficult because the ring of wagons had blocked the exits. In addition, the Roman soldiers did not refrain from slaughtering even the womenfolk, while the baggage animals too, transfixed with weapons, added to the piles of bodies. The glory won that day was outstanding and equal to the victories of old; for some there are who record that almost 80,000 Britons fell, while Roman casualties amounted to some 400 dead and a slightly larger number wounded. Boudicca ended her life with poison, and when Poenius Postumius, the Camp Prefect of the II Legion, learned of the success of the XIV and XX Legions, he ran himself through with his sword because he had cheated his own legion of equal glory, and contrary to military regulations had refused to carry out the orders of his commanding officer.

38 The whole army was now concentrated and kept under canvas to finish off what remained of the war. Caesar increased troop numbers with 2,000 legionary soldiers sent from Germany together with eight auxiliary cohorts and 1,000 cavalry. On their arrival the IX Legion was brought up to strength in terms of legionary troops. The cohorts and cavalry squadrons were stationed in new winter quarters and any tribe that had wavered in its loyalty or had been hostile was ravaged with fire and sword. However, nothing afflicted the enemy as much as famine, since they had taken no thought for sowing crops and had actually diverted people of all ages to the war effort, while marking out Roman provisions for their own use. In addition, the fierce tribes were all the more reluctant to settle back into peace because Julius Classicianus, who had been sent to succeed Catus, was on bad terms with Suetonius and allowed his personal animosity to stand in the way of the national interest. He was giving out that it would be well to await a new governor who would deal gently with those who surrendered, without feelings of enmity and anger or the arrogance of a conqueror. At the same time he reported to Rome that they should expect no end to hostilities unless a replacement were found for Suetonius, whose failures he attributed to the man’s incompetence, his successes to chance.

39 Accordingly Polyclitus, one of the imperial freedmen, was sent to examine the situation in Britain with high hopes on the part of Nero that his influence could not only effect a reconciliation between the Governor and Procurator, but would also pacify the rebellious spirits of the natives. In the event Polyclitus with his enormous entourage proved a burden to Italy and Gaul, and when he crossed Ocean, an object of dread to our own soldiers as well. To the enemy, however, he was an object of derision, for among them the flame of liberty still burned and they had yet to experience the power of freedmen. They were amazed that a general and an army that had carried through so great a war should yield obedience to slaves. The whole situation, however, was reported back to the emperor in a more favourable light. Suetonius was kept in office, but later, because he lost a few ships and their crews on the coast, he was ordered to hand over the army to Petronius Turpilianus, who had just vacated the consulship, on the grounds that the war was still continuing. By not provoking the enemy nor being provoked by them Turpilianus imposed upon his slothful inactivity the honourable name of peace.